Alleged 100,250 Fraudulent Votes Flipped Bengaluru’s Mahadevapura Segment An investigation alleged 100,250 fraudulent entries in a single Bengaluru assembly segment using five methods: about 11,000 duplicates, over 40,000 fake or invalid addresses, over 10,000 bulk same‑address registrations, over 4,000 invalid photos, and over 33,000 Form‑6 misuses. The segment recorded roughly 650,000 votes, yet this volume of tainted entries coincided with Congress winning six of seven segments while losing Mahadevapura by 32,707. That margin was enough to flip the Bengaluru Central Lok Sabha seat. The concentration suggests a targeted subversion of the roll that decided the result.
Destroyed CCTV and Maharashtra’s 10 Million Voter Surge Ignite Credibility Crisis Within months of the Lok Sabha polls, Maharashtra’s Assembly election rolls suddenly grew by about 10 million, while the EC asserted heavy voting after 5:30 pm that booth volunteers dispute. Despite RTIs, the EC directed officials to destroy polling‑booth CCTV after 45 days and refused reasons, contradicting CIC guidance on sub judice disclosures. Common sense—and every major AI consulted—holds that an impartial commission would preserve such footage to verify turnout patterns. Invoking women’s privacy to block polling‑booth CCTV release miscasts public, fully clothed queuing as intimate content and defeats the cameras’ accountability purpose.
Madhya Pradesh Roll Spikes and Suppressed Disclosures Signal Manipulation Madhya Pradesh added about 464,000 voters over seven months, then 1,605,000 more in the next two months—roughly 25,000 per day—while 27 seats with narrow margins drew fraud allegations. The EC had ordered deletion of 851,000 duplicate or fake entries, yet districts failed to publish deletion reports. In June 2023, the EC instructed five states not to publish January–June roll modifications, reversing transparency norms. Together, unchecked spikes and blocked disclosures indicate engineered opacity around the rolls.
Law Allows Challenges, Evidence Is Being Throttled Election outcomes can be contested within 45 days via High Court petitions under the Representation of the People Act, with appeals to the Supreme Court; presidential and vice‑presidential disputes follow Article 71 and a separate statute. Petitions require evidence, yet phones and cameras are barred in booths and the EC withholds critical CCTV and roll data, frustrating proof of late‑hour surges or roll abuse. During polling, complaints go to the EC; after results, review moves to courts, creating a choke point when the EC controls key materials. Radical transparency on EVMs, rolls, and CCTV would resolve doubts the ruling party claims do not exist.
Diluted EC Independence and Legal Shields Breed Conflict of Interest The Supreme Court’s Anoop Baranwal judgment envisaged a PM–LoP–CJI panel for EC appointments, but a December 2023 law replaced the CJI with a cabinet minister, giving government a 2–1 edge. The law also grants the CEC and ECs immunity from civil or criminal proceedings for official acts, even where evidence suggests deliberate wrongdoing. Under this regime, Gyanesh Kumar became CEC via a panel including the PM and Home Minister and now withholds machine‑readable rolls and CCTV while demanding “evidence.” Concentrated appointment power coupled with legal shields undermines trust in a constitutionally neutral umpire.
Documented Tampering Shows Why Records Matter In Uttar Pradesh, videos surfaced of individuals boasting of voting multiple times for the BJP, exposing enforcement gaps. Chandigarh’s mayoral count was captured on CCTV as the returning officer defaced opposition ballots; the Supreme Court called it the murder of democracy, ordered prosecution, and seated the rightful winner. A Haryana panchayat result was overturned after the EVM was produced and a recount before the Supreme Court Registrar confirmed the true tally. Preserved records enable courts to correct fraud; erased or hidden records paralyze remedies.
Bihar’s SIR Revisions Replace Voters With Ghosts and Imaginary Addresses The Special Intensive Revision is striking living citizens as “dead” while deceased names persist; families who reported deaths years ago still see the dead retained as the living are removed. Petitioners even presented wrongly “dead” voters to the Supreme Court to prove they exist. Unlike past drives, this revision shows zero additions and 6.5 million deletions, alongside mass misregistration: 509 voters tied to a non‑existent house in Galeempur and another phantom address with 459. Across Pipra, Bagaha, and Motihari, 3,590 instances of 20+ registrants at one address and roughly 80,000 suspect voters emerged, with many addresses not real.
Intimidation, Nonsense Entries, and Affidavit Gatekeeping Replace Accountability The CEC waved away anomalies by claiming many share the name “Piyush,” even as data reveal identical fathers, shared addresses, and gibberish entries like “Ytdtr.” He demanded affidavits from accusers while ignoring similar allegations by ruling‑party leaders and misstating prior filings, despite receipts proving submission. Natural justice forbids an accused authority from acting as judge, pointing to external scrutiny or impeachment as the path to restore trust. The appeal ends as a voter‑rights campaign, insisting the issue is not party rivalry but the defense of each citizen’s one equal vote.